Seymour
N. Feldman doceerde filosofie en gaf cursussen in klassieke joodse filosofie
aan de Rutgers University in New Jersey van 1963 tot z’n pensionering. Hij
verzorgde de redactie van en de inleiding bij de vertaling door Samuel Shirley
van The Ethics and selected letters [Hackett,
1982], van de Emendation of the Intellect
(1992) en de Theological-Political
Treatise (second edition, 1998). Hij vertaalde Levi ben Gershom’s
(Gersonides) The Wars of the Lord (1984–99)
en schreef de monografie Philosophy
in a Time of Crisis. Don Isaac Abravanel: Defender of the Faith
[Taylor & Francis Ltd, oktober 2002] en de
monografie Gersonides. Judaism within the
Limits of Reason [The Littman Libaryy of Jewish Civilisation, 2010].
Verder schreef hij een aantal artikelen, vooral over klassiek joodse filosofie.
[Cf.]
Hier vind ik vooral
interessant te verwijzen naar de uitvoerige en interessante bespreking die hij
schreef voor de New York Times op 18
maart 1990 van Yirmiyahu Yovel, SPINOZA
AND OTHER HERETICS [Volume One: The Marrano of Reason; Volume Two: The
Adventures of Immanence. N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989].
Dit review is bij de NYT te lezen – ik heb de tekst hierna overgenomen.
Twee
jaar later wijdde Inquiry het door
de Scandinavian University Press uitgegeven blad, het eerste (maart-) nummer
van de jaargang 35 in z’n geheel aan deze uit twee delen bestaande Spinoza and Other Heretics. Als eerste
verscheen daarin
•
Seymour Feldman: « Spinoza: a marrano of
Reason? », p. 37-48.
• Henry E. Allison: « Spinoza and the philosophy of
immanence : a reflection on Yovel's The
adventures of immanence », p. 55-67.
• Richard Schacht: « Adventures of Immanence Revisited
», p. 69-80
• Yirmiyahu Yovel: « Spinoza and other heretics: reply
to critics », p. 81-112.
Voor
’t volgende baseer ik mij op de samenvatting die verscheen in het door de Facultés
jésuites de Paris uitgegeven BULLETIN DE BIBLIOGRAPHIE SPINOZISTE XV (okt-dec.
1993).
Seymour
Feldman zet vraagtekens bij de hoofdthese van het eerste deel, n.l. over de
invloed die het marranisme zou hebben gehad op Spinoza. Verwijzend naar
Méchoulan, Revah en Yerushalmi, wijst hij op de marginaliteit van heterodoxe marranisme
en dat persoonlijkheden zoals Menasseh Ben Israel of Abraham Pereira dicht stonden
bij de middeleeuwse joodse mystiek of de ascese die Spinoza zo verachtte.
Andere schrijvers, zoals Isaac Orobio de Castro of Isaac Cardoso, stonden veraf
van Spinoza's denken, waren daarmee zelfs in volstrekte onenigheid. Volgens Feldman
kunnen we daarom niet spreken van marraanse invloeden van auteurs of
persoonlijkheden, of zelfs van het 'milieu'. Hij stelt dan ook voor om andere
mogelijke invloeden opnieuw te bestuderen (Collegianten en Quakers).
In een tweede deel behandelt Feldman de afsluitende hoofdstukken waarin Yovel de stijl van Spinoza en ’t specifieke van zijn zoektocht naar redding beschouwt. Volgens Feldman is enerzijds de twijfelachtigheid van de stijl of taal niet zo uitgesproken (vooral in de Ethica niet) als Yovel het graag zou willen zien en dat anderzijds deze vorm van schrijven niet bijzonder gemarmerd is en al te vinden is bij Al Farrabi, Averroes en Maimonides.
Tot slot plaatst hij vraagtekens bij de analyse van de mos geometricus (die hij niet ziet als een metafoor), de verticale en horizontale causaliteit (intuïtie zou niet complementair zijn aan de rede), de Natura naturata en Natura naturans, waarbij Feldman door het analyseren van de zoektocht naar redding en gelukzaligheid sinds Aristoteles concludeert dat Spinoza veel dichter in de filosofische traditie stond dan in het marranisme.
In een tweede deel behandelt Feldman de afsluitende hoofdstukken waarin Yovel de stijl van Spinoza en ’t specifieke van zijn zoektocht naar redding beschouwt. Volgens Feldman is enerzijds de twijfelachtigheid van de stijl of taal niet zo uitgesproken (vooral in de Ethica niet) als Yovel het graag zou willen zien en dat anderzijds deze vorm van schrijven niet bijzonder gemarmerd is en al te vinden is bij Al Farrabi, Averroes en Maimonides.
Tot slot plaatst hij vraagtekens bij de analyse van de mos geometricus (die hij niet ziet als een metafoor), de verticale en horizontale causaliteit (intuïtie zou niet complementair zijn aan de rede), de Natura naturata en Natura naturans, waarbij Feldman door het analyseren van de zoektocht naar redding en gelukzaligheid sinds Aristoteles concludeert dat Spinoza veel dichter in de filosofische traditie stond dan in het marranisme.
In
zijn repliek reageert Yovel op Feldmans kritiek door te proberen aan te tonen
dat hij zich vergist en de transformatie van Spinoza's marraanse kant van de
wereld van religie naar de wereld van de rede negeert, en ten tweede door de
diversiteit van de marraanse cultuur als centraal thema van zijn proefschrift niet
te herkennen, en geen aandacht schenken aan de structuren en mentale analyses
waarop veel van Yovels argumentatie is gebaseerd. Yovel maakt ook van de
gelegenheid gebruik om de methodologische grenzen van zijn studie vast te stellen:
wat het boek doet en wat het niet doet.
* * *
Tot zover die tweede besprekingsronde. Hierna grijp ik graag terug naar die eerste bespreking van Seymour Feldman in de NYT, die ik hierna overneem. Ik heb veel bewondering voor Yovels boek, dat ik in Duitse vertaling bezit, maar kan mij zeer wel vinden in de meeste opmerkingen van Feldman.
SEYMOUR
FELDMAN, “A DURABLE HERESY”
Review
of Yirmiyahu Yovel, SPINOZA AND OTHER HERETICS. Volume One: The Marrano of
Reason. 244 pp; Volume Two: The Adventures of Immanence. 225 pp. Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press. [Volume One, $24.50. Volume Two, $29.50. $45
the set.]
In
1492, following a century of massacres and forced conversions, the Jews of
Spain who refused to become Christians were expelled. Out of the conversion
campaign there emerged a new phenomenon in Spanish and Jewish history: some of
the new converts, or Marranos, preserved a hidden Jewish life and identity.
It
is the argument of ''Spinoza and Other Heretics,'' Yirmiyahu Yovel's erudite
and important work on Baruch Spinoza, the 17th-century Dutch philosopher who was
the child of Marrano parents, that the Marrano mentality was a major factor in
the formation of Spinoza's personality and philosophy. And, in turn, insofar as
Spinoza's thought influenced modern philosophy, this Marrano character pervades
much of our own culture, especially among those who have been influenced by
such thinkers as Marx, Nietzsche and Freud, whom Mr. Yovel calls ''heretical.''
Although there is a very fine chapter on Spinoza's philosophical style and
language and a superb study of one of his salient ideas, salvation through
knowledge, Mr. Yovel's book focuses on Spinoza's antecedents and his influence.
Building
upon and extending the research of a number of European and Israeli scholars
who have revealed the Marrano context of Spinoza's background and of his
excommunication from Judaism, Mr. Yovel gives us a fascinating and richly
textured picture of 17th-century Jewish Amsterdam. It is now well established
that there were heterodox elements in the Jewish community and that Spinoza was
not alone. Along with two others, Spinoza was excommunicated in 1656 for
''unorthodox'' practices. Since the announcement of the ban is vague, scholars
have been trying to give a more detailed picture of the reasons for it.
It
is Mr. Yovel's thesis that Spinoza and his colleagues in heresy had developed a
''philosophy of immanence'' that was thoroughly incompatible not only with
traditional Judaism, even in its own considerable diversity, but inimical to
all historical religions that are based on a dualistic concept of God and the
world. This philosophy of immanence was joined with a certain literary and
philosophical style of semantic dissimulation, giving rise to a specific genre
of discourse, the Marrano ''dual language,'' which had been developed by
Spinoza's Marrano predecessors to enable them to say what they wanted to
without revealing too openly their true thoughts or identity. As what Mr. Yovel
calls a ''Marrano of reason,'' Spinoza used this dual language both to
undermine the traditional belief in a transcendent God and to convert others to
the philosophy of immanence, which is neatly summed up in Spinoza's famous
formula: God, or Nature.
Since
Spinoza's God is not encountered in any supernatural revelation but in nature,
the way to know and love this deity is different from the rituals of
traditional religion. Whereas Spinoza's Marrano father would have said that
salvation is in the law of Moses and not in the law of Jesus, Spinoza sought
salvation in reason. Mr. Yovel gives us an insightful analysis of Spinoza's
notion of intuitive cognition, the highest level of knowledge whereby the
knower attains ''blessedness,'' or salvation, and does it in this life.
Realizing
that this goal was too difficult for everyone to achieve, Spinoza enunciated a
twofold message: a religion for the multitude purified of its inessential,
false and dangerous elements; and a philosophy for those able to pursue the
life of pure reason. Those attaining the latter would have to live a
Marrano-like existence, since they would be out of tune with the majority who
still thought in terms of traditional religion.
Although
Mr. Yovel has made an important contribution to the understanding of Spinoza by
providing us with such a detailed description of the Marrano world in which
Spinoza was born and educated, I do not share his conviction that this Marrano
mind-set was ''the fundamental'' influence on Spinoza. That Spinoza was an
''immanentist'' is correct; that he came to this philosophical position as a
result of his Marrano heritage is unconvincing. Most Marranos who were able to
escape from the Inquisition in Spain returned to the Jewish community as
faithful Jews; only a small minority found the reconversion difficult.
Spinoza's
immanentism is better understood as the logical outcome of his own
philosophical critique of the medieval Jewish philosopher Moses Maimonides and
Spinoza's contemporary, the French Christian philosopher Rene Descartes, the
two men with whose doctrines he was most familiar. The difficulties in
traditional philosophical and theological dualism led Spinoza to reject this
approach and to develop the alternative philosophy of monism, or immanentism.
The Marrano environment and experience had very little to do with this.
In
the second volume of Mr. Yovel's study the focus shifts to the history of
modern thought, especially the major figures from Kant through Freud. Mr. Yovel
argues that these modern thinkers all share or reflect several important themes
or projects drawn from Spinoza. In short, they are ''heretics'' or revealers of
a ''dark enlightenment,'' according to which man is not a temporary citizen of
this world to be transported eventually to a different domain where his true
salvation lies; instead, the only world is this one. The major modern thinkers
are disciples of Spinoza insofar as they advocate some form of ''secular
salvation,'' or ''immanentism.'' Mr. Yovel's discussions of Nietzsche and Freud
are most illuminating and stimulating. In an epilogue he presents his own
version of the philosophy of immanence in which Spinoza's metaphysical moralism
is tempered with Freud's more sober therapeutic approach. The ''dogmatic''
philosophy of Spinoza is replaced with a ''critical'' philosophy of immanence
in which finitude, tolerance and pluralism are the main motifs.
At
the end of Volume One, Mr. Yovel raises the questions of Spinoza's Jewishness
and his significance for Jewish history. Was Spinoza ''the first secular Jew''?
Indeed, was he the first secularist? There is no doubt that secularism was an
integral component of Spinoza's social philosophy. He advocated a society in
which religion was to be a private matter and freedom of and from religion was
guaranteed. But, Mr. Yovel reminds us, in that age Spinoza could not live as a
secularist. He was a ''Marrano of reason,'' who lived in a society in which one
was either a Christian or a Jew. He was neither and he cautiously taught a
philosophy that undermined both. Society was not ready for him.
There
was no place for Spinoza as a secular Jew in 17th-century Amsterdam or in any
other Jewish community. In this respect he had to be banned from the Jewish
community. Yet, Spinoza's philosophy of secular salvation has become a main
theme in modern Jewish thought and life, especially among the early Zionists,
who saw in Spinoza their forerunner. Of course, Spinoza was not a Zionist, in
spite of his admission that the revival of a Jewish state in their ancestral
land would not be impossible, if the Jews would throw off the ''emasculating''
elements of Judaism. Spinoza perceived the normality of Jewish existence in its
ancient homeland and its abnormality in the centuries of exile, especially as
expressed in anti-Semitism. In this sense Spinoza stimulated several early
Zionist thinkers, such as Moses Hess, to think practically about the ''return
to Zion.''
Today
many Jews have chosen to live secular lives without abandoning their Jewish
identity. Spinoza could not, but he provided the philosophical rationale for
doing so. It is not without interest or irony that today the state of Israel is
one of the more important centers for Spinoza studies. Mr. Yovel is himself the
director of the International Spinoza Institute in Jerusalem. I wonder what the
''eternal essence'' of Spinoza would think of this turn of events.
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